Photo illustration – Saudi Arabia faces missiles and drones while its Mecca Defense Pact partners stand by. A defense agreement is measured when missiles begin to fall , not at the signing ceremony
The Mecca Defense Pact declared that an attack against one member would be treated as an attack against all. The Houthis have now attacked Saudi Arabia—and the pact’s credibility is on the line.
By: Ya Libnan Editorial Board, Opinion
Only days and weeks after the Mecca Joint Defense Agreement was signed, the Iran-backed Houthis launched a massive wave of ballistic-missile and drone attacks against Saudi Arabia. Southern Saudi cities, civilian facilities and vital energy infrastructure have all been targeted.
The question can no longer be avoided:
Where are Pakistan and Türkiye?
The agreement signed in Mecca on August 7 brought together Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and Türkiye under a collective-defense commitment resembling NATO’s Article 5: an attack against one member would be regarded as an attack against all three.
Saudi Arabia has now been attacked. If this does not activate the agreement, what kind of attack would?
Pakistan’s troubling retreat
Pakistan reportedly has approximately 8,000 troops stationed in Saudi Arabia and has maintained a close military relationship with the kingdom for decades. Its defense minister initially warned that continued Houthi attacks could activate the Mecca pact.
That was encouraging—but it was quickly contradicted.
Pakistan’s Foreign Ministry subsequently announced that no military response under the agreement had been discussed. Islamabad condemned the attacks and called upon Iran to restrain the Houthis, but offered no indication of what concrete assistance Pakistan was prepared to provide.
This is precisely the kind of hesitation that encourages aggressors.
Pakistan does not necessarily have to invade Yemen or launch a reckless regional war. But it should immediately offer Saudi Arabia air-defense units, intelligence support, drone interception capabilities, naval assistance and whatever additional protection the Saudi government requests.
Thousands of Pakistani troops cannot be stationed in Saudi Arabia merely as symbols. If they are present to help defend the kingdom, this is the moment when their purpose must become clear.
Türkiye condemns—but does it intend to defend?
Türkiye has strongly condemned the Houthi attacks and repeatedly declared its solidarity with Saudi Arabia. Its Foreign Ministry described the attacks as violations of Saudi sovereignty and serious threats to regional security.
Condemnation is welcome, but condemnation is not collective defense.
Türkiye possesses one of the region’s most capable militaries, advanced drones, strong intelligence services and important air-defense capabilities. Yet Ankara has shown no apparent willingness to take military action against the Houthis.
The likely explanation is Türkiye’s relationship with Iran.
Türkiye shares a peaceful and strategically important border with Iran that has remained remarkably stable for centuries. Ankara understandably does not wish to jeopardize that relationship or become trapped in another regional war.
But Türkiye cannot sign a defense agreement with Saudi Arabia and then allow concern about Tehran’s reaction to prevent it from defending its treaty partner against an Iranian-backed proxy.
Ankara need not attack Iran. It need not even launch an offensive war in Yemen. It can provide intelligence, air-defense assistance, naval patrols, logistical support and coordinated deterrence. What it cannot do is pretend that diplomatic condemnation alone satisfies a mutual-defense commitment.
Iran is watching
The Houthis are not simply an isolated Yemeni movement. Iranian weapons and strategic assistance have strengthened their ability to strike Saudi territory and threaten navigation through the Red Sea and Bab el-Mandeb.
Iran is therefore watching the reactions of Pakistan and Türkiye very carefully.
If Tehran concludes that the Mecca Defense Pact is only a ceremonial document, its proxies will become more aggressive—not less. A defense agreement that is never activated does not deter an enemy. It reassures the enemy that the signatories are afraid to act.
The pact’s first test
Collective defense does not automatically require bombing Yemen. It requires the three governments to consult urgently and announce a visible, coordinated response proportionate to the threat.
They should immediately establish:
- A joint air-and-missile-defense command
- Intelligence sharing on Houthi launch sites and Iranian weapons transfers
- Coordinated naval protection in the Red Sea and Bab el-Mandeb
- Pakistani and Turkish assistance protecting Saudi cities and infrastructure
- A clear warning that further attacks will produce collective consequences
The Mecca Defense Pact was presented as the beginning of a new security architecture led by major Muslim nations. It was supposed to demonstrate that they could protect one another without relying entirely upon outside powers.
That promise is now being tested.
Saudi Arabia is under attack. Pakistan is hesitating. Türkiye is condemning. Iran and the Houthis are watching.
If Pakistan and Türkiye fail to act now, the Mecca Defense Pact will be remembered not as an alliance, but as a press release.
