Photo illustration – One nation, one army, one lawful authority: Lebanon’s future must belong to the state—not to an armed organization serving Iran.
Once the government declared Hezbollah’s military and security operations illegal, failing to prosecute those who continue directing them ceased to be caution—it became surrender.
By; Ali Hussein, Political Analyst , Opinion
Lebanon is approaching the most consequential crossroads in its modern history.
It can become a sovereign country governed by its constitution, protected by its national army and committed to the welfare of its people—or it can continue allowing an Iranian-backed armed organization to control its decisions until Lebanon becomes another version of Houthi-controlled Yemen.
That danger is no longer theoretical.
On March 2, 2026, after Hezbollah entered the regional war in support of Iran, the Lebanese government took an unprecedented and necessary step. It banned Hezbollah’s military and security activities, restricted the organization to political work and reaffirmed that decisions of war and peace belong exclusively to the Lebanese state.
That decision changed Hezbollah’s legal and political status. Its military operations could no longer be excused as “resistance” operating alongside the state. They became explicitly prohibited activities conducted in defiance of the government.
The unavoidable question is therefore this:
If Hezbollah’s military operations are illegal, why are the people commanding them still free to operate?
Disarmament Cannot Depend Upon Hezbollah’s Consent
The United States, Israel and many Lebanese have repeatedly demanded Hezbollah’s disarmament. That objective is necessary, but we must recognize the practical problem: Hezbollah remains one of the strongest armed organizations in Lebanon.
It possesses fighters, weapons, intelligence networks, financial institutions and decades of experience intimidating Lebanon’s political and judicial systems. Simply asking it to surrender its arsenal—or waiting for it to volunteer—will not restore Lebanese sovereignty.
Hezbollah will not willingly abandon the power that allows it to dominate the state.
But Lebanon is not without options.
The Lebanese state possesses something Hezbollah can never legitimately claim: constitutional authority.
The government does not need to arrest people merely because they are members of Hezbollah or because they support its political party. Nor should Lebanon punish an entire community for the actions of an armed organization. Lebanon’s Shiites are citizens entitled to the same protection, dignity and political rights as every other Lebanese.
But any commander or official against whom credible evidence exists of ordering illegal military operations, importing or concealing weapons, financing an unlawful army, collaborating operationally with Iran’s Revolutionary Guard or launching attacks without government authorization must be investigated and brought before Lebanese justice.
Political activity remains political activity. Commanding an illegal army is something entirely different.
Why Has the Government Not Acted?
The answer is fear.
The government fears that Hezbollah will turn its weapons against the state. Lebanon has seen that danger before. In May 2008, Hezbollah used its weapons inside Lebanon and seized parts of Beirut when the government challenged its private communications network.
Lebanese officials also fear sectarian confrontation, division within state institutions and the possibility that the army could be forced into a battle for which it lacks sufficient equipment and support.
These concerns are real. No responsible Lebanese wants another civil war.
But fear cannot remain the governing principle of the republic. Every year of hesitation allows Hezbollah to entrench itself further, rebuild its capabilities and demonstrate that government decisions have no consequences.
A state that declares an armed organization’s military activities illegal but is too frightened to enforce its decision is not exercising sovereignty. It is announcing its captivity.
Lebanon Has the Right to Request Help
If Hezbollah responds to lawful arrests by launching an armed revolt against the state, the Lebanese government would have the right to request international assistance in defending the country’s legitimate institutions.
Such assistance must come at the formal request of the Lebanese government and operate under clearly defined conditions. It could include intelligence, military equipment, border surveillance, financial support, counterterrorism capabilities and protection for critical state institutions.
The objective must be to strengthen the Lebanese Armed Forces—not replace them—and to restore Lebanese authority, not create another foreign occupation.
Israel must not be given a license to occupy Lebanese territory or conduct an unlimited war inside Lebanon. The mission must remain Lebanese, led by Lebanon’s government and national army, with international assistance serving Lebanese sovereignty.
This is not an invitation for outsiders to take control of Lebanon. It is a call for the international community to help Lebanon prevent an Iranian proxy from completing its takeover of the country.
Yemen Is Lebanon’s Warning
Lebanese leaders should study what happened in Yemen.
The Houthis began as an armed movement operating beyond the authority of the state. They gradually expanded their military power, captured government institutions, imposed their decisions on the country and transformed Yemen into a platform for a regional confrontation serving Iran’s strategic interests.
The result was not victory for Yemen. It was the destruction of the Yemeni state, a catastrophic humanitarian crisis and the subordination of an entire country to the agenda of an armed faction.
Lebanon has not yet become Yemen. Its political system, social composition, army and international position are different.
But the direction is frighteningly similar.
One armed organization possesses military power beyond the state’s control. It receives weapons, financing and strategic direction from Iran. It independently decides when to attack another country. It then leaves the Lebanese people to endure the retaliation, destruction, displacement and economic collapse.
If that system is allowed to continue, Lebanon will not remain a sovereign republic. It will become another Houthi-land on the Mediterranean—an Iranian military outpost whose citizens pay for wars they neither authorized nor wanted.
This Is Not a War Against Lebanon’s Shiites
Hezbollah will undoubtedly portray any attempt to enforce the law as an attack against Lebanon’s Shiite community. That claim must be rejected immediately and unequivocally.
Lebanon’s Shiites have suffered enormously from Hezbollah’s wars. Their homes, villages, businesses and families have repeatedly borne the heaviest cost of decisions made to advance Iran’s interests.
They deserve security, prosperity and genuine representation—not permanent mobilization under an armed organization answerable to Tehran.
The state must protect Shiite civilians, prevent collective punishment and invite independent Shiite leaders to participate fully in rebuilding national institutions. The purpose is not to weaken one Lebanese community. It is to free every Lebanese community from the domination of weapons.
The Time for Ambiguity Is Over
President Joseph Aoun and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam have declared that weapons must be restricted to the state and that Hezbollah’s military and security operations are illegal.
Those declarations must now be translated into action.
The government should establish an independent judicial and security task force to document illegal military activity, trace Hezbollah’s financing and weapons networks, prepare evidence-based arrest warrants and protect the judges and investigators responsible for enforcing the law.
Lebanon should simultaneously request a coordinated international program to strengthen the army, secure the borders, dismantle weapons-smuggling networks and protect constitutional institutions against armed retaliation.
This process must be lawful, gradual and carefully planned—but it must begin.
Lebanon cannot disarm Hezbollah overnight. But it can begin dismantling the culture of impunity that has allowed Hezbollah’s commanders to behave as though they stand above the republic.
The choice is no longer between action and stability. Continued inaction is itself destabilizing Lebanon, inviting further Israeli attacks and allowing Iran to determine when Lebanese citizens must go to war.
Lebanon must act while it still possesses a government capable of acting.
Otherwise, the country of pluralism, culture and openness that once connected the Arab world to the Mediterranean may be reduced to another armed Iranian satellite—another devastated country controlled by a militia and condemned to fight wars for someone else.
Lebanon must not become another Houthi-land.
