Photo:Ahmed al Sharaa, better known as Abu Mohammad al-Golani leader of Hayat Tahrir Al-Sham (HTS) told CNN on December 5: “These sects ( Alwawites, Christians and Druze) have coexisted in this region for hundreds of years, and no one has the right to eliminate them.” So far Golani has been saying the right things. The question on everyone’s mind is: Are these words just to appease or for real? If for real will his fighters be following his directive? The last thing the Syrians want to see is another dictator like Bashar al-Assad
By: Ya Libnan Editorial Board
The world is watching as new leaders emerge in Syria, raising hopes for a country rebuilding itself from years of devastation. While there have been undeniably positive steps suggesting a desire to shape a new Syria, many signs indicate that the core structures of authoritarianism may persist under a different guise. Western nations and the global community must tread cautiously before lifting sanctions, ensuring that promises of inclusivity are matched with genuine reforms.
One concerning development is the appointment of Ali al-Bashir, a figure closely tied to HTS (Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham), as prime minister without consultation with forces outside the HTS orbit. This unilateral move has raised fears that Syria’s new leadership may replicate the same exclusionary power mechanisms that defined the Assad regime.
Equally troubling was the display of the HTS flag, bearing the Islamic profession of faith, during the inaugural meeting of the new government. To many, this echoed the Assad-era practice of symbolically intertwining the Syrian tricolor with the Baath Party banner, underscoring the inseparability of state and party. Such actions undermine the claim of a fresh start and reinforce concerns about entrenched exclusivity.
Moreover, there have been reports of grievances from Alawite, Christian, and Druze communities regarding the conduct of the new authorities. These minority groups, already marginalized under the Assad regime, are expressing apprehension about whether the new government will uphold their rights and address their concerns.
The new leadership’s failure to include Kurdish-Syrian communities in its state-building project further exacerbates fears of exclusion. Reports suggest this omission stems from a desire to avoid antagonizing Turkey, whose support the fledgling government views as vital to its survival. This pragmatic but shortsighted approach risks alienating a significant segment of Syria’s population, contradicting claims of inclusivity.
Western governments must resist the temptation to recognize HTS as a legitimate partner prematurely, despite their attempts to rebrand themselves. Instead, they should press Syria’s new rulers to initiate a genuinely inclusive political transition. This transition must align with the principles outlined in UN Security Council Resolution 2254, emphasizing a pluralistic and representative governance structure.
In these early days of what some hail as a “new era” for Syria, the signals from Damascus are mixed. On one hand, the authorities are pledging to preserve state institutions and respect Syria’s diverse society. On the other hand, their actions suggest an intent to centralize power and monopolize the transition process.
The risk is clear: Syria under HTS could become another version of the Assad regime, perpetuating the same authoritarian practices under a new banner. Only by fostering active citizenship, guaranteeing minority representation, and building bridges across communal divides can Syria escape the corrosive legacies of its past.
The international community must ensure that sanctions are lifted only after the new leadership demonstrates real and sustained action toward inclusivity, transparency, and shared governance. Anything less risks repeating the cycle of repression and instability that has plagued Syria for decades.