Yet the literal political landscape of Beirut has now changed, albeit only temporarily. Following an agreement earlier this month, which saw consultations between Amal, Hezbollah and the Future Movement amongst others, it was agreed that the posters, party flags and portraits would be removed from first Beirut, and then the rest of Lebanon.
The images were certainly attention grabbing, but in a country where identity and ownership of the state is fiercely contested and communal tensions are always threatening to boil over, they are highly provocative and play a role in creating violent flashpoints.
Of late there have been two such flashpoints, with Amal and Future Movement supporters clashing violently in Ras al-Nabaa earlier this month whilst erecting posters. Although order was restored before life was lost, it is clear that tensions between these two communities remain.
More recently, two men lost their lives as members of Marada and the Lebanese Forces fought over posters in the province of Koura. These events prompted renewed efforts to facilitate the taking down of posters in Beirut, although it is apparent to all concerned that the spring 2009 elections will see these posters going straight back up again.
Clashes over political posters have not been uncommon, and while they clearly have their genesis in something far deeper, it is worth thinking about the role of religious and political imagery in the ongoing problems in Lebanon today.
Establishing identity in a state where it is contested is hugely important. Looking at another internal conflict involving split communities, many people view the immediate catalyst for the start of The Troubles in Northern Ireland as being unrest and rioting stemming from unionist demands that a republican activist take down his Irish flag.
The use of advertisements, posters and flags by all sides of the political spectrum in Lebanon is, in some ways, reminiscent of Northern Ireland where flags and murals played a major part in establishing territory and demonstrating identity.
The catholic (republican) murals of the Falls Road and those of the Protestants (unionists) in areas such as the Shankhill demonstrated ownership of public space, informing both the immediate enemy and the ruling state (the UK) where control lay. The use of the murals helped to mark out territory and beyond this, create a highly intimidating and oppressive atmosphere to any outsiders entering the area.
This is an idea that can be applied to Lebanon. One is left in no doubt when in the Dahiya or areas such as the Bekaa Valley who has overall control over the land. Hezbollah and Amal symbols dominate the landscape and clearly define territory and ownership.
Equally, both Christian and Muslim areas are very well sign posted by religious imagery, as well as photographs of political and religious leaders. This imagery serves to differentiate the community from that of other sects and helps make the issue of sectarian politics even more omnipresent. Moreover, this kind of imagery is far more ingrained in Lebanese culture then the posters, and so requires treatment other then army-assisted removal.
The political imagery that we have been able to find all across Lebanon and Beirut plays is comparable to the role of murals in Northern Ireland in physically dividing communities. Whilst some Lebanese are open-minded and willing to explore Beirut and Lebanon beyond their immediate locale, many others know little of even neighboring communities where their religious beliefs are not shared.
Of those who have taken the opportunity to go outside the confines of their natural habitat, some complain of feeling out of place - as if they are in another Lebanon. It is true that the imagery used in Lebanon is nothing like as terrifying as that used in Northern Ireland, but it does have the effect of making ordinary people very much aware of their environment and the political beliefs of the people around them.
As has been noted by many writers, the role of history and historical grievance in civil wars is immense. The warring factions of Northern Ireland used their murals as historical propaganda- memorializing and immortalizing martyrs to the cause and keeping the memory of past conflict alive.
It is much the same in Lebanon. The images of Bachir Gemayel, Musa Sadr and even Rafik Hariri, amongst many others, reflect an unwillingness to break with past events. Such posters are designed to immortalize their subjects - providing people with heroes whose glorious deaths mean their reputation cannot be tarnished or questioned.
Yet, they play a role in ensuring that the present is trapped by the past. They provide continued reminders and ensure that old wounds are not healed.
Finally, it is worth mentioning a recent advertising campaign by the Lebanese Forces. The ads, which appeared all over Christian areas, used varyingly, the image of Bachir Gemayel and that of the Mother Mary. A cedar tree encircled in a red line, with a tag assuring people that the LF was their ‘red line’, accompanied these images.
The use of Gemayal suggests that the LF are, despite Geagea’s recent apology, still operating in a civil war mindset and one might ask who exactly is included inside this red line - and who exactly is included in the LF’s view of Lebanon?
This advert nicely sums up the purpose of political imagery in Lebanon. It demarcates territory, provides a historical narrative and very often offers a narrow version of Lebanese identity. Taking down these deeply divisive posters is a small step in the right direction. It is now up to the parties and politicians they represent to move the process forward and at the very least allow the parliamentary elections to go ahead peacefully, despite the likely return of the posters.
Tags: Elections, Future Movement, Hezbollah, Lebanese Forces, Phalange Party, Politics, Sectarian Divide
