General Chehab, a distinguished officer in the Lebanese Army who hails from a prominent Lebanese family, went on to built state institutions which last to this day. His reign was seen as a golden era in modern Lebanese history and many Lebanese even today nostalgically reflect on his achievements during his reign.

Similarly, in the midst of hopelessness emanating from 8 years of Syrian tutelage, Emile Lahoud, also a high-ranking army officer who hails from a prominent family, was elected to the Lebanese Presidency in 1998. During the early days of the Lahoud presidency, many Lebanese would optimistically compare the two men and express their hope that the new president would somehow be able to salvage Lebanon from its many post-war ills.

In reality, Lahoud's ascension heralded an era defined by treachery, servitude to Syria, limitless corruption, political instability, economic stagnation, and finally; murder. In the aftermath of the Hariri assassination and the revolutionary events of 2005, the Lebanese people watch in disgust as this despised leader inconsiderately clutches onto his post while Lebanon falls further into the quagmire of uncertainty.

Lahoud's adamant refusal to resign despite his evident unpopularity is intriguing to any observer familiar with political protocol. His insistence on attending the 60th Anniversary of the UN General Assembly in New York despite the fact that four of his subordinates are implicated in one of the biggest crimes in modern Lebanese history is quite bizarre. However, in examining Lahoud's past, one will surely find that his present conduct is not surprising given his history of indifference to the ideals of pride, dignity, patriotism and justice.

Lahoud was born into a prominent family that has produced influential figures in Lebanese political and military life. His father was a respected general in the Lebanese Army. In fact, his first cousin, Nassib Lahoud, was one of the leading figures in the movement to end the Syrian presence in Lebanon in recent years.

Lahoud was an officer in the Lebanese Army under General Michel Aoun during the dying days of the Lebanese Civil War in 1989. That year, he defected to West Beirut and established solid ties to prominent offers in the Syrian military, ties that would later be instrumental in his ascension to the highest echelons of the Syrian-sponsored Lebanese State. Lahoud would later be promoted to head of the Lebanese Army. Under his leadership, the surreptitious fusion of the Lebanese and Syrian armies took place, in compliance with the terms of the 1991 Defense and Security Treaty between the two countries.

Under his command, the Lebanese Army, traditionally held in high-esteem by the ordinary citizen, perfected the art of crushing opposition to the Syrian interference in Lebanese affairs. Lebanese citizens were ruthlessly beaten, harassed and imprisoned by soldiers for committing the heinous crime of protesting the blatant violation of Lebanese sovereignty by Syria. In the dictionary of regime loyalists such as Lahoud, calls for independence were tantamount to collaboration with the 'Zionist' enemy lurking at the southern border.

As president, Lahoud would later refuse to send the Lebanese Army to Southern Lebanon to fill the void left by the Israel's withdrawal from the area in 2000. Instead, he entrusted this task to Hezbollah. He even suggested at one stage that Palestinian guerrillas may be able to resume their fight against Israel along the Lebanese border. Lahoud's support for non-military entities operating a virtual fiefdom in Southern Lebanon undermined the basic principle that the Lebanese Army is the sole guardian of Lebanese soil; emasculating a respected institution that constitutes the essential underpinning of the Lebanese State.

From the outset, the regime of Lahoud was defined by an unashamed disregard for the rule of law and the constraints imposed by the Lebanese Constitution. In 1998, Article 49 of the Lebanese Constitution was readily amended by the Syrian-controlled Lebanese Parliament to allow Lahoud to run for the presidency. Prior to this amendment, army officer were barred from running for the presidency before retiring from their posts for 2 years.

In 2004, Article 49 was again amended to allow Lahoud to extend his presidential mandate and the misery of the Lebanese public. During his reign, the legal framework of governance was frequently contravened in the interest of maintaining the tight grip of the security apparatuses and ensuring that the supremacy of the Syrian order prevailed.

In 2001, Lahoud ordered a massive crackdown against opposition supporters without consulting then-Prime Minister Rafik Hariri, who was in Pakistan at the time. Detentions and torture were a frequent theme during Lahoud's tenure. Lahoud himself appointed the dreaded heads of the security agencies; most of whom are now charged with complicity in the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri.

Despite the current status of these men as suspects, Lahoud continues to self-assuredly maintain that a suspect is presumed innocent until proven guilty, paying homage to the tenets of justice to which his regime was alien in its dealing with opposition supporters. Lebanese Forces (LF) leader Samir Geagea was held in solitary confinement in a six-foot cell, three stories underground, for 11 years on charges which many openly admit were engineered by the security regime as a result of his opposition to Syria intervention. When questioned about the possibility of granting Geagea a special amnesty, Lahoud always remarked that the case was a judicial matter beyond his scope.

Moreover, under Lahoud's reign, Geagea's supporters were imprisoned, beaten, tortured and in some cases murdered. Lahoud's concept of justice is clearly ambiguous. Ambiguous to the extent where he is unwilling to protect the blameless, but is willing to shield the devious.

Lahoud, via his protégé Justice Minister Charles Rizk, recently attempted to slyly obstruct the UN investigation into the Hariri assassination by insisting that the legal authorities to check the testimonies and evidence compiled by the UN investigation team to ensure that there is "solid evidence and irrefutable facts" before convicting the security chiefs. The Lahoud regime is responsible for the most fragrant abuses of power and breaches of law in modern Lebanese history.

Lahoud's loyalty to his Syrian masters is unprecedented. In rebuking calls for a Syrian withdrawal, he crossed all red lines imposed by protocols and norms which define Lebanese society. When the Maronite Patriarch Nasrallah Sfeir, who is widely hailed as a moderate figure, called for an end to the Syrian presence in Lebanon in 2000, Lahoud responded by suggesting the church was inflaming sectarian passions.

In consolidating the Syrian-Lebanese police state, the regime Emile Lahoud readily turned a blind eye on corrupt practices, which contributed to Lebanon's slide into economic ruin. Lahoud won applause in the early days of his tenure by ostensibly launching a drive eliminate corruption in Lebanese society. However, it appears that Lahoud found it more convenient to adhere to the old policy of rewarding loyal servants with the spoils of the vanquished.

During his reign, security chiefs and other loyal official in the Syrian-Lebanese security regime amassed enormous fortunes through corrupt practices while the ordinary Lebanese were left to struggle through the pains created by the economic downturn. Further, Lahoud and his sons are thought to have been embroiled in a major financial scandal involving the Al-Madina Bank; where millions of dollars in deposits mysteriously vanished. The bank was liquidated and is currently under investigation.

Throughout history, leaders with the slightest sense of dignity have resigned when faced with disgrace and failure. Lahoud has made it clear on several occasions that he had no intention of resigning before the end of his extended term in 2007 despite the fact that four of his subordinates are implicated in the assassination of a former Prime Minister.

Even if Lahoud is found to have no direct connection to the crime by the UN investigators, the involvement of his subordinates is in itself a reflection of weakness and apathy.

While Lahoud remains in power, swims, and sunbathes at the Yarze country club, Lebanon remains in a state of political paralysis. As time progresses, the presidency is becoming increasingly isolated and obstructive. Lahoud's reign has been a major disaster for Lebanon. From this point on, any action or inaction will be in the interest of controlling the damage caused by his regime during its past 7 years in power.

Lahoud's insistence on staying in power has become an obstacle in the face of a new Lebanon dreamt of by the participants in the massive pro-independence rally of March 14 2005. Lahoud is a relic from the horrifying past and the symbol of a treacherous police state that failed the Lebanese people and unswervingly served the interests of an oppressive neighbor.

Lahoud is a man who has lost his credibility, moral authority and the support of his constituents; the Lebanese people. Therefore, at this stage, his presidency is nothing more than a mockery. The errors of the past are far beyond his capacity to repair; redemption is out of the question given the gravity of his misdeeds in the past.

Today, his resignation would be the defining milestone of his presidency, the greatest contribution he has made to Lebanon. While it will not correct the wrongs of the past, it will give people hope for the future.

Disclaimer: Ya Libnan Volunteer authors assume full responsibility for the content of their articles. Opinions expressed are not necessarily those of Ya Libnan or affiliated parties.